Malabar 2025: A Testament to Maritime Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

Overview of Malabar

The Malabar naval exercise commenced in 1992 as a bilateral initiative between India and the United States. Following India’s nuclear tests in 1998, the exercise was temporarily halted but was revived in 2002. A significant milestone occurred in 2015 when Japan became a permanent participant, and in 2020, Australia joined, thus evolving Malabar into a four-nation exercise that underscores the escalating strategic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region.

Focus and Objectives

This exercise encompasses a broad range of operations, which include:

• Anti-submarine warfare
• Anti-air missions
• Carrier operations
• Maritime patrol
• Cross-deck flying
• Surface manoeuvres
• Special forces activities

The primary aim is to enhance operational coordination and boost collective readiness to uphold a free, open, and stable maritime order.

Malabar 2025: Key Highlights

The 2025 edition of Malabar, scheduled from 10–18 November 2025 in the waters off Guam, showcased high-intensity and complex drills. Notable highlights included:

• Participation of the Indian Navy’s INS Sahyadri, equipped with cutting-edge guided-missile systems.
• Involvement of the US Navy, Royal Australian Navy, and Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force along with their special forces units.
• Joint anti-submarine missions, coordinated air-defence drills, and multi-nation maritime patrol operations.

This edition was particularly noteworthy given the existing political tensions within the Quad, yet defence cooperation remained robust and unwavering.

Current Issues and Challenges

• Political Frictions Within the Quad: Trade disputes and tariff-related tensions challenged US–India relations throughout 2025. Japan confronted domestic political instability due to leadership changes, while Australia recalibrated its stance towards China. Despite these hurdles, Malabar proceeded seamlessly, indicating the deep institutional strength of Quad defence relationships.
• China’s Assertiveness: China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and western Pacific, alongside the India–China boundary during 2025, amplified the necessity for enhanced naval coordination. Malabar served as a strategic response to the imperative of maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific amid rising regional tensions.
• The Russia Factor: India’s ongoing procurement of discounted Russian oil raised concerns in Tokyo and Canberra. Nonetheless, India maintained its independent foreign policy, balancing historical ties with Russia while advancing maritime cooperation with Quad partners.
• Clarifying the 'Malabar is Not a Quad Exercise' Narrative: Quad governments reiterated that Malabar is not a military extension of the group, a position aimed at avoiding the perception of a formal alliance. However, the scale and sophistication exhibited in Malabar 2025 clearly indicated an operational alignment akin to Quad cooperation.
• Resilience of Defence Cooperation in 2025: Despite a challenging year marked by political disagreements and diplomatic tensions, Malabar emerged as the most robust and dependable aspect of Quad collaboration, underscoring that shared maritime priorities consistently outweigh short-term geopolitical disturbances.

Indian Perspective on Malabar 2025

India views Malabar 2025 as:

• A reaffirmation of strategic continuity in the face of diplomatic fluctuations.
• A platform to bolster its maritime presence in the Indian Ocean and western Pacific.
• An opportunity to enhance interoperability with technologically advanced navies while maintaining strategic autonomy.
• A subtle signal to China, demonstrating that India is not isolated in its commitment to an open Indo-Pacific.
• Evidence that India can sustain strong ties with Russia while simultaneously enhancing cooperation with the US, Japan, and Australia.

For New Delhi, Malabar 2025 confirms that the maritime domain remains the most resilient and forward-looking component of Quad cooperation, playing a pivotal role in ensuring long-term regional stability.